Gulf Coast port metro where turnout patterns track industrial employment
Mobile's electorate blends a substantial Black voting-age population with a white working-class majority shaped by shipbuilding and petrochemical industries, producing GOP margins at the top of the ticket that have widened steadily since the 1990s.
| Group | Mobile, AL | National |
|---|---|---|
▶White (Non-Hispanic)(13) | 58.9% | 57.4% |
▶Black / African American(11) | 34.7% | 12.2% |
▶Hispanic / Latino(18) | 2.3% | 19.3% |
▶Asian(6) | 1.9% | 6.0% |
Multiracial / Other | 1.7% | 4.0% |
▶Native American / Alaska Native(3) | 0.6% | 0.9% |
▶Middle Eastern / North African(8) | 0.5% | 0.9% |
Catholic-Evangelical edge: -47.1pp (vs national 4.5pp). A strongly Evangelical-leaning religious profile, which nationally correlates with Republican-leaning rural and exurban communities.
| Tradition | % Pop | % Adherents | US Pop | US Adherents |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 42.0% | 57.2% | — | — | |
| 12.1% | 16.5% | — | — | |
| 10.7% | 14.6% | — | — | |
| 5.9% | 8.0% | — | — | |
| 2.6% | 3.6% | — | — | |
LDS (Mormon) | 0.4% | 0.5% | — | — |
Non-religiousPopulation | 26.6% | — | — | — |
Who lives in the Mobile, AL metro area? 1,632,055 residents across 4 counties.
22% of adults hold a bachelor's degree — 11pp below the national average. Places with similar education levels vote R+15 on average nationally.
Scale, voting-age share, and this geography's footprint inside the national electorate.
Income, attainment, and ownership indicators that often shape coalition structure and turnout behavior.
Age structure, language use, and nativity signals that explain how this geography differs from state and nation.
| Offices | Margin A | Margin B | Split |
|---|---|---|---|
| Senate vs Governor | R+22.5 | R+23.0 | 0.5pp |