A blue-collar steel city where union heritage shapes Democratic margins
Pueblo's identity as the former home of Colorado Fuel and Iron gives it a working-class Democratic lean unusual for a mid-sized Front Range metro, even as statewide suburban realignment reshapes the political map around it.
| Group | Pueblo, CO | National |
|---|---|---|
▶White (Non-Hispanic)(13) | 54.2% | 57.4% |
▶Hispanic / Latino(15) | 40.6% | 19.3% |
▶Native American / Alaska Native(5) | 2.0% | 0.9% |
▶Black / African American(7) | 2.0% | 12.2% |
▶Asian(6) | 0.8% | 6.0% |
Multiracial / Other | 0.4% | 4.0% |
▶Middle Eastern / North African(6) | 0.2% | 0.9% |
Catholic-Evangelical edge: +16.2pp (vs national 4.5pp). A strongly Catholic-leaning religious profile, which nationally correlates with Democratic-leaning urban and suburban communities.
| Tradition | % Pop | % Adherents | US Pop | US Adherents |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 17.6% | 50.4% | — | — | |
| 10.4% | 29.8% | — | — | |
| 3.6% | 10.4% | — | — | |
| 2.5% | 7.2% | — | — | |
LDS (Mormon) | 2.0% | 5.9% | — | — |
| 0.7% | 1.9% | — | — | |
Non-religiousPopulation | 65.2% | — | — | — |
Who lives in the Pueblo, CO metro area? 626,800 residents across 4 counties.
22% of adults hold a bachelor's degree — 11pp below the national average. Places with similar education levels vote R+15 on average nationally.
Scale, voting-age share, and this geography's footprint inside the national electorate.
Income, attainment, and ownership indicators that often shape coalition structure and turnout behavior.
Age structure, language use, and nativity signals that explain how this geography differs from state and nation.
| Offices | Margin A | Margin B | Split |
|---|---|---|---|
| Senate vs Governor | D+9.0 | D+11.8 | 2.7pp |