A bellwether metro that tracked national presidential margins for decades
Peoria's blend of industrial labor, downstate conservatism, and a mid-sized university has made it a reliable proxy for midwestern swing sentiment, though its bellwether streak showed cracks in the 2010s as rural-urban polarization deepened.
| County | Pop. | Margin | Dem | Rep | Total | Share |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Peoria | 187K | D+4.6 | 40,564 | 36,896 | 79,138 | 11.2% |
| Peoria | 183K | D+4.6 | 40,564 | 36,896 | 79,138 | 11.2% |
| Peoria | 183K | D+4.6 | 40,564 | 36,896 | 79,138 | 11.2% |
| Peoria | 180K | D+4.6 | 40,564 | 36,896 | 79,138 | 11.2% |
| Tazewell | 135K | R+26.6 | 24,325 | 42,451 | 68,027 | 9.6% |
| Tazewell | 131K | R+26.6 | 24,325 | 42,451 | 68,027 | 9.6% |
| Tazewell | 130K | R+26.6 | 24,325 | 42,451 | 68,027 | 9.6% |
| Tazewell | 128K | R+26.6 | 24,325 | 42,451 | 68,027 | 9.6% |
| Woodford | 39K | R+42.0 | 5,959 | 14,837 | 21,124 | 3.0% |
| Woodford | 38K | R+42.0 | 5,959 | 14,837 | 21,124 | 3.0% |
| Woodford | 38K | R+42.0 | 5,959 | 14,837 | 21,124 | 3.0% |
| Woodford | 35K | R+42.0 | 5,959 | 14,837 | 21,124 | 3.0% |
| Marshall | 13K | R+36.0 | 1,913 | 4,119 | 6,127 | 0.9% |
| Marshall | 13K | R+36.0 | 1,913 | 4,119 | 6,127 | 0.9% |
| Marshall | 12K | R+36.0 | 1,913 | 4,119 | 6,127 | 0.9% |
| Marshall | 12K | R+36.0 | 1,913 | 4,119 | 6,127 | 0.9% |
| Stark | 6K | R+45.6 | 725 | 1,983 | 2,761 | 0.4% |
| Stark | 6K | R+45.6 | 725 | 1,983 | 2,761 | 0.4% |
| Stark | 6K | R+45.6 | 725 | 1,983 | 2,761 | 0.4% |
| Stark | 5K | R+45.6 | 725 | 1,983 | 2,761 | 0.4% |
| Group | Peoria, IL | National |
|---|---|---|
▶White (Non-Hispanic)(13) | 84.0% | 57.4% |
▶Black / African American(8) | 8.8% | 12.2% |
▶Hispanic / Latino(17) | 2.8% | 19.3% |
Multiracial / Other | 2.3% | 4.0% |
▶Asian(6) | 1.9% | 6.0% |
▶Middle Eastern / North African(9) | 0.8% | 0.9% |
▶Native American / Alaska Native(2) | 0.2% | 0.9% |
Catholic-Evangelical edge: -22.0pp (vs national 4.5pp). A strongly Evangelical-leaning religious profile, which nationally correlates with Republican-leaning rural and exurban communities.
| Tradition | % Pop | % Adherents | US Pop | US Adherents |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 18.0% | 42.7% | — | — | |
| 10.6% | 25.1% | — | — | |
| 8.3% | 19.6% | — | — | |
| 2.8% | 6.7% | — | — | |
| 2.4% | 5.6% | — | — | |
LDS (Mormon) | 0.4% | 1.0% | — | — |
Non-religiousPopulation | 57.8% | — | — | — |
Who lives in the Peoria, IL metro area? 1,482,462 residents across 20 counties.
26% of adults hold a bachelor's degree — 7pp below the national average. Places with similar education levels vote R+3 on average nationally.
Scale, voting-age share, and this geography's footprint inside the national electorate.
Income, attainment, and ownership indicators that often shape coalition structure and turnout behavior.
Age structure, language use, and nativity signals that explain how this geography differs from state and nation.
| Offices | Margin A | Margin B | Split |
|---|---|---|---|
| Senate vs Governor | R+13.0 | R+18.4 | 5.3pp |