Cleburne County, Alabama
Precinct data
Results by precinct
14 precincts · 7,651 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -HEFLIN RECREATIONAL CTRHEFLIN RECREATIONAL CTR | 232 | 1,564 | 18 | 1,814 | 12.8% | 86.2% | R+73.4 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -RANBURNE VFDRANBURNE VFD | 42 | 1,269 | 12 | 1,323 | 3.2% | 95.9% | R+92.7 |
| Precinct -CHULAFINNEE BAPT CHCHULAFINNEE BAPT CH | 118 | 743 | 9 | 870 | 13.6% | 85.4% | R+71.8 |
| Precinct -OLD HOPEWELL CHURCHOLD HOPEWELL CHURCH | 30 | 591 | 2 | 623 | 4.8% | 94.9% | R+90.0 |
| Precinct -TURKEY HEAVEN VFDTURKEY HEAVEN VFD | 42 | 406 | 5 | 453 | 9.3% | 89.6% | R+80.4 |
| Precinct -EDWARDSVILLE COMM_EDWARDSVILLE COMM_ | 12 | 434 | 0 | 446 | 2.7% | 97.3% | R+94.6 |
| Precinct -OAK LEVEL PINEYWDSOAK LEVEL PINEYWDS | 37 | 390 | 3 | 430 | 8.6% | 90.7% | R+82.1 |
| Precinct -MICAVILLE VFDMICAVILLE VFD | 14 | 340 | 3 | 357 | 3.9% | 95.2% | R+91.3 |
| Precinct -FRUITHURST CITY HALLFRUITHURST CITY HALL | 21 | 323 | 4 | 348 | 6.0% | 92.8% | R+86.8 |
| Precinct -PLAINVIEW VFDPLAINVIEW VFD | 8 | 219 | 1 | 228 | 3.5% | 96.1% | R+92.5 |
| Precinct -MUSCADINE VFDMUSCADINE VFD | 15 | 205 | 0 | 220 | 6.8% | 93.2% | R+86.4 |
| Precinct -ABELABEL | 15 | 197 | 1 | 213 | 7.0% | 92.5% | R+85.4 |
| Precinct -GREENS CHAPEL UMC @ BEASON MILGREENS CHAPEL UMC @ BEASON MIL | 14 | 180 | 0 | 194 | 7.2% | 92.8% | R+85.6 |
| Precinct -BORDEN SPRINGS VFDBORDEN SPRINGS VFD | 5 | 127 | 0 | 132 | 3.8% | 96.2% | R+92.4 |
Presidential margin, 1876–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1876 | +65.5% |
| 1880 | +77.1% |
| 1884 | +53.3% |
| 1888 | +54.6% |
| 1892 | +56.9% |
| 1896 | +34.3% |
| 1900 | +2.6% |
| 1904 | +24.9% |
| 1908 | −11.0% |
| 1912 | +41.8% |
| 1916 | +13.5% |
| 1920 | −17.3% |
| 1924 | −5.4% |
| 1928 | −16.5% |
| 1932 | +55.1% |
| 1936 | +37.9% |
| 1940 | +51.7% |
| 1944 | +30.5% |
| 1948 | −30.9% |
| 1952 | +32.5% |
| 1956 | +14.2% |
| 1960 | +19.9% |
| 1964 | −76.2% |
| 1968 | −8.1% |
| 1972 | −70.7% |
| 1976 | +26.5% |
| 1980 | −7.5% |
| 1984 | −43.7% |
| 1988 | −37.6% |
| 1992 | −5.4% |
| 1996 | −7.7% |
| 2000 | −32.8% |
| 2004 | −51.4% |
| 2008 | −62.4% |
| 2012 | −68.2% |
| 2016 | −77.7% |
| 2020 | −80.4% |
| 2024 | −83.4% |
U.S. Senate
| Year | Won | Democratic | Republican | Total |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2022 | R | 6.7%308 | 91.6%4,212 | 4,597 |
| 2020 | R | 11.8%843 | 88.2%6,321 | 7,164 |
Registered voters
Total registered voters, over time
| Year | Total registered |
|---|---|
| 2018 | 10,929 |
| 2020 | 11,516 |
| 2022 | 11,393 |
| 2024 | 12,193 |
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
+232 net domestic migration · 2025
Net +1,308 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $52,124 in average income, against $68,604 for residents who stayed — 24% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+48.3 on average — 35 points more Democratic-leaning than Cleburne County, AL itself (R+83.4).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Calhoun County, AL88R+44.6
- Carroll County, GA67R+41.2
- Haralson County, GA31R+74.4
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Calhoun County, AL107
- Carroll County, GA42
- Randolph County, AL23
- Haralson County, GA22
- Talladega County, AL21
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | −85 |
| 2012 | −64 |
| 2013 | +102 |
| 2014 | +50 |
| 2015 | −37 |
| 2016 | −12 |
| 2017 | +69 |
| 2018 | +122 |
| 2019 | −86 |
| 2021 | +172 |
| 2022 | +250 |
| 2023 | +322 |
| 2024 | +273 |
| 2025 | +232 |
Cleburne, a rural Appalachian-foothills county in east Alabama, recorded an R+83.4 presidential margin in 2024 — among the widest in the state — reflecting the deep partisan consolidation that has reshaped small, majority-white rural counties over the past two decades.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 77.1 points in 1880 and a Republican high of 83.4 points in 2024. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 3.0 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 83.4 points.
A population of 15,426, a 92% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $55,345 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of McMinn County and Lamar County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Cleburne County, Alabama. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/01029/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.