Howard County, Iowa
Precinct data
Results by precinct
9 precincts · 4,837 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -Afton Howard ParisAfton Howard Paris | 224 | 525 | 12 | 761 | 29.4% | 69.0% | R+39.6 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -Vernon Springs Cresco 1BVernon Springs Cresco 1B | 214 | 493 | 4 | 711 | 30.1% | 69.3% | R+39.2 |
| Precinct -Cresco 3Cresco 3 | 280 | 371 | 11 | 662 | 42.3% | 56.0% | R+13.7 |
| Precinct -Cresco 2Cresco 2 | 284 | 368 | 6 | 658 | 43.2% | 55.9% | R+12.8 |
| Precinct -Albion Forest CityAlbion Forest City | 153 | 338 | 5 | 496 | 30.8% | 68.1% | R+37.3 |
| Precinct -New OregonNew Oregon | 113 | 353 | 10 | 476 | 23.7% | 74.2% | R+50.4 |
| Precinct -Saratoga Howard Ctr ChesterSaratoga Howard Ctr Chester | 112 | 283 | 4 | 399 | 28.1% | 70.9% | R+42.9 |
| Precinct -Riceville/Jamestown/OakdaleRiceville/Jamestown/Oakdale | 94 | 265 | 3 | 362 | 26.0% | 73.2% | R+47.2 |
| Precinct -Cresco 1ACresco 1A | 145 | 161 | 6 | 312 | 46.5% | 51.6% | R+5.1 |
Presidential margin, 1892–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1892 | −6.0% |
| 1896 | −12.1% |
| 1900 | −15.2% |
| 1904 | −23.9% |
| 1908 | −4.0% |
| 1912 | +21.2% |
| 1916 | −0.1% |
| 1920 | −34.8% |
| 1924 | −20.8% |
| 1928 | −2.8% |
| 1932 | +26.3% |
| 1936 | +12.9% |
| 1940 | −0.5% |
| 1944 | +2.8% |
| 1948 | +12.3% |
| 1952 | −25.3% |
| 1956 | −5.8% |
| 1960 | +0.4% |
| 1964 | +23.8% |
| 1968 | −12.4% |
| 1972 | −9.9% |
| 1976 | +5.3% |
| 1980 | −13.6% |
| 1984 | −11.9% |
| 1988 | +8.3% |
| 1992 | +12.0% |
| 1996 | +17.6% |
| 2000 | +11.2% |
| 2004 | +12.5% |
| 2008 | +25.8% |
| 2012 | +20.9% |
| 2016 | −20.1% |
| 2020 | −27.3% |
| 2024 | −31.7% |
U.S. Senate
| Year | Won | Democratic | Republican | Total |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2022 | R | 36.5%1,221 | 63.5%2,126 | 3,347 |
| 2020 | R | 41.1%2,014 | 55.4%2,716 | 4,906 |
Registered voters
By party of registration, over time
Registration leans Republican; the presidential vote runs 23 points more Democratic.
| Year | Total registered | Democratic | Republican | Unaffiliated | Other |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2008 | 6,294 | 2,201 | 1,523 | 2,569 | 1 |
| 2010 | 6,416 | 2,148 | 1,574 | 2,693 | 1 |
| 2012 | 6,248 | 2,028 | 1,511 | 2,708 | 1 |
| 2014 | 6,244 | 1,902 | 1,492 | 2,846 | 4 |
| 2016 | 6,384 | 1,882 | 1,544 | 2,945 | 13 |
| 2018 | 6,224 | 1,750 | 1,565 | 2,888 | 21 |
| 2020 | 6,376 | 1,765 | 1,837 | 2,739 | 35 |
| 2022 | 6,284 | 1,595 | 1,887 | 2,764 | 38 |
| 2024 | 6,439 | 1,450 | 2,000 | 2,948 | 41 |
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
−39 net domestic migration · 2025
Net −587 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $46,037 in average income, against $74,274 for residents who stayed — 38% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+21.5 on average — 10 points more Democratic-leaning than Howard County, IA itself (R+31.7).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Winneshiek County, IA28R+9.2
- Chickasaw County, IA22R+37.1
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Winneshiek County, IA39
- Chickasaw County, IA20
- Mitchell County, IA20
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | −28 |
| 2012 | −11 |
| 2013 | −119 |
| 2014 | −91 |
| 2015 | −58 |
| 2016 | −56 |
| 2017 | −44 |
| 2018 | −37 |
| 2019 | −6 |
| 2021 | +4 |
| 2022 | +32 |
| 2023 | −123 |
| 2024 | −11 |
| 2025 | −39 |
Howard County's small towns and agricultural economy anchor a voting pattern that has shifted roughly 40 points toward Republicans over the past two decades, mirroring broader rural realignment across the upper Midwest.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 26.3 points in 1932 and a Republican high of 34.8 points in 1920. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 4.4 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 31.7 points.
A population of 9,445, a 93% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $67,446 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Chickasaw County and Allamakee County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Howard County, Iowa. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/19089/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.