Marlboro County, South Carolina
Precinct data
Results by precinct
15 precincts · 10,152 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -N BennettsvilleN Bennettsville | 903 | 811 | 24 | 1,738 | 52.0% | 46.7% | D+5.3 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -W BennettsvilleW Bennettsville | 740 | 338 | 19 | 1,097 | 67.5% | 30.8% | D+36.6 |
| Precinct -East BennettsvilleEast Bennettsville | 560 | 332 | 13 | 905 | 61.9% | 36.7% | D+25.2 |
| Precinct -ClioClio | 566 | 325 | 12 | 903 | 62.7% | 36.0% | D+26.7 |
| Precinct -WallaceWallace | 308 | 534 | 4 | 846 | 36.4% | 63.1% | R+26.7 |
| Precinct -Red HillRed Hill | 348 | 470 | 8 | 826 | 42.1% | 56.9% | R+14.8 |
| Precinct -MccollMccoll | 272 | 474 | 4 | 750 | 36.3% | 63.2% | R+26.9 |
| Precinct -Quicks X RoadsQuicks X Roads | 320 | 292 | 6 | 618 | 51.8% | 47.2% | D+4.5 |
| Precinct -East MccollEast Mccoll | 100 | 400 | 6 | 506 | 19.8% | 79.1% | R+59.3 |
| Precinct -S BennettsvilleS Bennettsville | 413 | 62 | 6 | 481 | 85.9% | 12.9% | D+73.0 |
| Precinct -BrightsvilleBrightsville | 211 | 243 | 2 | 456 | 46.3% | 53.3% | R+7.0 |
| Precinct -AdamsvilleAdamsville | 112 | 192 | 3 | 307 | 36.5% | 62.5% | R+26.1 |
| Precinct -TatumTatum | 122 | 142 | 4 | 268 | 45.5% | 53.0% | R+7.5 |
| Precinct -BrownsvilleBrownsville | 75 | 168 | 2 | 245 | 30.6% | 68.6% | R+38.0 |
| Precinct -BlenheimBlenheim | 87 | 113 | 6 | 206 | 42.2% | 54.9% | R+12.6 |
Presidential margin, 1892–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1892 | +51.6% |
| 1896 | +67.6% |
| 1900 | +90.7% |
| 1904 | +96.4% |
| 1908 | +96.6% |
| 1912 | +100.0% |
| 1916 | +98.3% |
| 1920 | +99.0% |
| 1924 | +100.0% |
| 1928 | +92.9% |
| 1932 | +96.9% |
| 1936 | +99.3% |
| 1940 | +95.2% |
| 1944 | +85.8% |
| 1948 | +21.2% |
| 1952 | +4.9% |
| 1956 | +45.1% |
| 1960 | +33.4% |
| 1964 | +13.0% |
| 1968 | +4.2% |
| 1972 | −31.4% |
| 1976 | +46.7% |
| 1980 | +34.7% |
| 1984 | +4.1% |
| 1988 | +14.8% |
| 1992 | +30.2% |
| 1996 | +39.9% |
| 2000 | +30.0% |
| 2004 | +18.2% |
| 2008 | +25.7% |
| 2012 | +24.6% |
| 2016 | +16.2% |
| 2020 | +10.9% |
| 2024 | +2.4% |
U.S. Senate
| Year | Won | Democratic | Republican | Total |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2022 | R | 48.9%3,175 | 51.1%3,314 | 6,489 |
| 2020 | D | 56.8%6,504 | 41.7%4,775 | 11,448 |
Registered voters
Total registered voters, over time
| Year | Total registered |
|---|---|
| 2016 | 18,552 |
| 2018 | 20,206 |
| 2020 | 21,015 |
| 2022 | 18,552 |
| 2024 | 18,492 |
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
+41 net domestic migration · 2025
Net −2,729 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $34,975 in average income, against $44,360 for residents who stayed — 21% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+16.9 on average — 19 points more Republican-leaning than Marlboro County, SC itself (D+2.4).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Chesterfield County, SC57R+28.1
- Scotland County, NC42R+6.9
- Richmond County, NC27R+20.9
- Dillon County, SC24R+10.8
- Florence County, SC21R+8.0
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Chesterfield County, SC63
- Florence County, SC46
- Scotland County, NC43
- Dillon County, SC27
- Richmond County, NC25
- Richland County, SC22
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | −320 |
| 2012 | −328 |
| 2013 | −136 |
| 2014 | +7 |
| 2015 | −407 |
| 2016 | −540 |
| 2017 | −222 |
| 2018 | −259 |
| 2019 | −234 |
| 2021 | −222 |
| 2022 | +64 |
| 2023 | −62 |
| 2024 | −111 |
| 2025 | +41 |
Marlboro County's electorate reflects the demographic tension common to majority-Black rural counties in the Pee Dee region, where Democratic margins have compressed steadily over successive presidential cycles despite a Black share of the population near 50%.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 100.0 points in 1912 and a Republican high of 31.4 points in 1972. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 8.5 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 2.4 points.
A population of 25,975, a 38% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $34,301 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Marion County and Halifax County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Marlboro County, South Carolina. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/45069/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.