Taylor County, Kentucky
Precinct data
Results by precinct
20 precincts · 12,261 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -A104A104 | 294 | 789 | 13 | 1,096 | 26.8% | 72.0% | R+45.2 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -F102F102 | 224 | 837 | 13 | 1,074 | 20.9% | 77.9% | R+57.1 |
| Precinct -E101E101 | 211 | 818 | 8 | 1,037 | 20.3% | 78.9% | R+58.5 |
| Precinct -D102D102 | 155 | 866 | 12 | 1,033 | 15.0% | 83.8% | R+68.8 |
| Precinct -C105C105 | 205 | 769 | 18 | 992 | 20.7% | 77.5% | R+56.9 |
| Precinct -B102B102 | 230 | 617 | 7 | 854 | 26.9% | 72.2% | R+45.3 |
| Precinct -D104D104 | 175 | 589 | 16 | 780 | 22.4% | 75.5% | R+53.1 |
| Precinct -F103F103 | 201 | 519 | 16 | 736 | 27.3% | 70.5% | R+43.2 |
| Precinct -B101B101 | 105 | 611 | 5 | 721 | 14.6% | 84.7% | R+70.2 |
| Precinct -F101F101 | 96 | 390 | 4 | 490 | 19.6% | 79.6% | R+60.0 |
| Precinct -E102E102 | 146 | 316 | 9 | 471 | 31.0% | 67.1% | R+36.1 |
| Precinct -A102A102 | 71 | 391 | 3 | 465 | 15.3% | 84.1% | R+68.8 |
| Precinct -E103E103 | 75 | 361 | 9 | 445 | 16.9% | 81.1% | R+64.3 |
| Precinct -A101A101 | 55 | 375 | 8 | 438 | 12.6% | 85.6% | R+73.1 |
| Precinct -C104C104 | 91 | 329 | 5 | 425 | 21.4% | 77.4% | R+56.0 |
| Precinct -B104B104 | 113 | 298 | 7 | 418 | 27.0% | 71.3% | R+44.3 |
| Precinct -D101D101 | 21 | 201 | 1 | 223 | 9.4% | 90.1% | R+80.7 |
| Precinct -C103C103 | 26 | 191 | 3 | 220 | 11.8% | 86.8% | R+75.0 |
| Precinct -C101C101 | 25 | 184 | 2 | 211 | 11.8% | 87.2% | R+75.4 |
| Precinct -B103B103 | 57 | 72 | 3 | 132 | 43.2% | 54.5% | R+11.4 |
Presidential margin, 1892–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1892 | +1.4% |
| 1896 | +5.1% |
| 1900 | +6.3% |
| 1904 | +2.4% |
| 1908 | +3.0% |
| 1912 | +27.5% |
| 1916 | +1.0% |
| 1920 | −2.3% |
| 1924 | −4.9% |
| 1928 | −30.3% |
| 1932 | +4.2% |
| 1936 | −0.1% |
| 1940 | −0.0% |
| 1944 | −2.9% |
| 1948 | +7.2% |
| 1952 | −12.3% |
| 1956 | −23.0% |
| 1960 | −36.2% |
| 1964 | +8.5% |
| 1968 | −27.9% |
| 1972 | −36.6% |
| 1976 | +1.7% |
| 1980 | −10.9% |
| 1984 | −28.6% |
| 1988 | −30.0% |
| 1992 | −9.0% |
| 1996 | −20.1% |
| 2000 | −37.1% |
| 2004 | −41.5% |
| 2008 | −40.5% |
| 2012 | −39.0% |
| 2016 | −51.0% |
| 2020 | −51.2% |
| 2024 | −56.7% |
U.S. Senate
| Year | Won | Democratic | Republican | Total |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2022 | R | 24.9%2,244 | 75.0%6,751 | 8,996 |
| 2020 | R | 26.2%3,277 | 69.1%8,637 | 12,496 |
Registered voters
By party of registration, over time
Registration leans Republican; the presidential vote runs 29 points more Democratic.
19,278 registered voters · 2024
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
−67 net domestic migration · 2025
Net +1,304 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $41,897 in average income, against $57,155 for residents who stayed — 27% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+44.3 on average — 12 points more Democratic-leaning than Taylor County, KY itself (R+56.7).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Green County, KY79R+72.6
- Marion County, KY71R+43.5
- Adair County, KY66R+71.2
- Hardin County, KY35R+29.3
- Jefferson County, KY35D+16.5
- Fayette County, KY21D+18.1
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Green County, KY74
- Adair County, KY58
- Marion County, KY51
- Jefferson County, KY34
- Warren County, KY30
- Hardin County, KY25
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | +255 |
| 2012 | +7 |
| 2013 | −2 |
| 2014 | +83 |
| 2015 | +146 |
| 2016 | −227 |
| 2017 | +32 |
| 2018 | −68 |
| 2019 | +227 |
| 2021 | +228 |
| 2022 | +317 |
| 2023 | +163 |
| 2024 | +210 |
| 2025 | −67 |
Taylor County, anchored by the small city of Campbellsville, has shifted steadily rightward over the past two decades; its 56-point Republican margin in 2024 reflects a broader realignment among rural, working-class communities across western Appalachia.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 27.5 points in 1912 and a Republican high of 56.7 points in 2024. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 5.4 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 56.7 points.
A population of 26,397, a 88% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $60,456 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Cleburne County and Union County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Taylor County, Kentucky. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/21217/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.